By Halil Inalcik
This significant contribution to Ottoman background is now released in paperback in volumes: the unique unmarried hardback quantity (CUP 1995) has been commonly acclaimed as a landmark within the research of 1 of the main enduring and influential empires of recent occasions. The authors offer a richly targeted account of the social and monetary historical past of the Ottoman quarter, from the origins of the Empire round 1300 to the eve of its destruction in the course of international warfare One. The breadth of diversity and the fullness of assurance make those volumes crucial for an figuring out of up to date advancements in either the center East and the post-Soviet Balkan global.
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Extra resources for An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, vol. 1, 1300-1600
270; my emphasis). During the same session Gazianteb deputy Yasin (Kutluğ) Bey reiterated the above argument: There is a province called Rumkale [the Greek Castle]. . There is not one Greek there. Hence, this place has nothing to do with Greeks in terms of its water, soil, or roots. Because the name of the place was Rumkale the Ottoman administration had sent us . . a Greek administrator. : 270; my emphasis). Clearly, the elite discerned place names as important markers of nationhood and more particularly as signie rs of the Muslim character of the nation.
This debate most clearly nds its ree ction in Yusuf Ak ura’s treatise Üç Tarz-ı Siyaset (Three Types of Policy) where he considers these three possibilities. Published in 1904, Ak ura’s discussion included an assessment of each potential route in terms of its desirability and feasibility. For Ak ura, trying to revive Ottomanism was a futile exercise. In his eyes, the discontent that such a revival would create within both Muslim and non-Muslim communities justie d dropping this option. He particularly pointed out the potentially destabilizing role Russia would play if Ottomanism was pursued, arguing that the Russians would demand privileges to be extended to non-Muslims— making Ottomanism a dead letter in the long run.
The r st article of the Citizenship Law declared anyone born from an Ottoman mother and father or from an Ottoman father only, as Ottoman. The second article held that any person who was born within the Ottoman territories had the right to apply to become an Ottoman subject within three years of attaining majority (Aybay 1991: 26). While the law combined the principles of jus soli and jus sanguinis, in essence it penned out an inclusive denition of belonging. It must, however, be underlined that the law employed the word subject rather than citizen.
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